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A Few Poorly Organized Men: Interreligious Violence in Poso, by Dave McRae

By Dave McRae

9 years of violent clash among Christians and Muslims in Poso from 1998-2007 increased a formerly little identified district in japanese Indonesia to nationwide and worldwide prominence. Drawing on a decade of examine, for the main half performed whereas the clash was once ongoing, this e-book offers the 1st accomplished heritage of this violence.

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Extra info for A Few Poorly Organized Men: Interreligious Violence in Poso, Indonesia (Verhandelingen Van Het Koninklijk Instituut Voor Taal-, Land)

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The district lacked the presence of major industry or a developed private sector that might have provided an alternative to government jobs and contracts for those not working on the land. In the context of Poso’s demographic composition, state resources thus became the target of intense competition between rival patronage networks organized along communal lines. This urban competition mirrored tensions arising from inequalities in the agricultural sector. There, indigenous highlanders remained concentrated in subsistence agriculture, whereas migrants were more likely to be farming productive cash crops (Aragon 2001).

6 The remaining four seats went to police and military appointees. In 1997, Golkar had won 27 seats of 31 up for election, with 8 seats reserved for appointees. ). 7 In the election for the national parliament, Golkar secured at least 43 per cent of the vote in all five provinces in Sulawesi, and more than 50 per cent of the vote in every province in Sulawesi apart from North Sulawesi. 3 per cent. See Aris Ananta et al (2004:259, 265). 8 PDI-P (the extra P stands for “Perjuangan” [Struggle]) was one faction of the New Order PDI, led by Megawati Soekarnoputri, one of the daughters of Indonesia’s first president.

Chief among their core supporters are ‘riot specialists’, namely criminals on the payroll or otherwise beholden to the riot system who perpetrate the initial acts of violence. The role of conversion specialists and riot specialists is a significant point of difference with Horowitz’s model—it is their agential action that makes the difference to riot occurrence rather than the nature of the precipitating event, which may be entirely trivial. Once a riot is initiated in this way, Brass argues, diverse interests are then drawn into the fray, comprising the spontaneous element of the riot.

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